
The heresies of Adrenalin Righting – Civic variant


Writing's a fight and this boy needs a battle










Zemblanity, the antonym of serendipity, conspired recently to map a pattern, a kaleidoscopic reflection of reality, that’s as glaringly obvious as it is vehemently denied. Criminality in its many forms, so often denounced as aberrations, are in fact the default settings, the modus operandi, of the institutions that organise our lives.
The foundational image, around which this idea formed, settled when some thoughts on Doug Limanโs heist gone bad movie The Instigators (2024), cut across an interview with former city trader Gary Stevenson. Slicing through what shouldโve felt like revelations but didnโt, was a transcript of Carol Vordermanโs Alternative MacTaggart lecture. The final sliver of zemblanity was the publication of Sir Martin Moore-Bick’s inquest report into the Grenfell disaster.
The first image turned to face me while I was considering the internal logic, the organising principle, driving the behaviour of everyone in The Instigators (2024). The filmmakers ask us to think of the titular instigators, the criminals doing the heist, as revolutionaries. Itโs a romantic vision of transgression that obscures a sinister truth, the criminals in the film are the least dishonest players, and it’s the “legitimate” society that’s corrupt to the core. Once youโve internalised that reality, itโs half a turn more to the realisation, criminals are just the ones who get caught.
This view of society, as seen through the lens of a fiction, solidified into fact when I heard the personal experiences of former city trader Gary Stevenson.
In 2011 Stevenson became Citibank’s most profitable trader, in the world. He achieved his position by betting “society would collapse” and “the economy was never going to get better”.
It wonโt surprise anyone to know most traders come from privilege. A private education, followed by an elite university, all cushioned by the advantages of wealth. This path inevitably creates myopic individuals “dehumanised in a way” who don’t care about the real-world consequences of what they do. At the time “I never really stopped to think” confesses Stevenson “because my job was to bet on these things”. But he came from a “very poor background” outside of these elitist pathways, and eventually realised “ordinary people would get poorer” their “living standards would collapse” and nothing was being done about it.
When Stevenson finally made the decision to leave Citibank, his manager took him to dinner and told him the story of a “nice guy, good trader” at Deutsche Bank, dragged through the courts and eventually bankrupted. Deutsche Bank went though the guys trades, all his emails, and dredged up whatever nuggets of compromising information they could. Stevenson was told “I like you, I think you’re a good person, but sometimes bad things happen to good people. We can make life very difficult for you. You’re going to find out about that”.
I think you’d struggle to find a more concise example of the business mindset. As Stevenson points out, itโs โso obviously similar to the wayโฆ gangsters speakโ, as ruthless as anything heard in the unassuming cafes and gloomy bars of the criminal underworld. It’s little wonder Stevenson thinks “a lot of the guys who become traders, if they grew up on the (Ilford) streets I grew up on, would’ve been drug dealers”. But they didnโt and theyโre not.
Itโs clear to me, these โtoo big to failโ institutions are more than willing to accept cut corners, shady practices, illegality, if thereโs money to be made. But when an earner expressed a desire “to leave and work for charity” they start “very strongly implying” legal action, intent on wreaking his life.
โThe truth is, your family background, where you went to schoolโฆ determine whether or not you even get your foot through the door, let alone rise through the ranks.โ Thatโs not Stevenson talking but broadcaster Carol Vorderman telling a concurrent truth, this time about the television industry.
Her recent Alternative MacTaggart lecture describes an industry “dominated by nepotism” and unsurprisingly “run by the upper middle class”. If you doubt this, a recent study by the Sutton Trust Social Mobility and Opportunity found “children from richer families enjoy better opportunities in schools (62%), universities (62%)โฆ and jobs (54%)”. In another of their studies Elitist Britain 2019 they highlight “a โpipelineโ from independent schools through Oxbridge and into top jobs”. And in yet another, now very old report The Educational Backgrounds of Leading Journalists they found more than “half (54%) of the countryโs leading news journalists were educated in private schools”. To put that in context, only 7% of the population get a private school education.
This deliberately constructed, protectionist, pipeline is fed and maintained by, as Vorderman so eloquently puts it, snobbery, “regional snobbery, class snobbery and educational snobbery” all conspiring to create an ecosystem of “programmes awash with views given by those with acceptable accents”. It’s the “same faces talking to the same faces in the same conversations” especially when it comes to political programming. As Noam Chomsky once said to journalists Andrew Marr “if you believe something different, you wouldnโt be sitting where youโre sitting”.
Another, more accurate, way to understand snobbery, is dissociation. The same detachment from consequence pointed to by Stevenson, allows the beneficiaries of this pipeline to act without conscience or imagination, and without imagination there is no empathy.
Stevenson had become the most profitable Citibank trader in the world betting that society would collapse, and “everybody could see that I’d done that” but no one cared, no one thought, “Should we do something?” because they put their gains before everything else.
If we live in a predatory systems, as I think we do, government should protect its citizens against exploitation, but it doesnโt. In fact, I’d argue, the government is just as much a predator as any individual or business or class. Why have successive governments been so invested in the policy of privatisation? Privatisation is sold as the way to improve services, that’s a lie. Privatisation is just an efficient way to syphon public money into private hands. It’s aggravated daylight robbery. It’s criminal. Which brings me to the last in my kaleidoscope of stories, Sir Martin Moore-Bick’s inquest report into the 72 deaths in Grenfell Tower.



The 1700 page report points the finger of blame in many directions, at cladding manufacturers and architects, builders and third-party testing bodies, the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea and David Cameron’s “bonfire of red tape” so enthusiastically supported by housing secretary Eric Pickles. But it’s the attitude of the Tenant Management Organisation (TMO) who “consistently ignored residentsโ views” and engaged in a “pattern of concealmentโฆ in relation to fire safety matters” that reveals the real, foundational, base, reason for this tragedy, dissociation, snobbery.
The TMO had this deadly facade installed on Grenfell because they wanted to “improve its physical appearanceโฆ prevent it looking like a poor relation” of other properties in the area. They didn’t care about the tenants of a rundown tower block, only how it looked to their rich neighbours. “Any suggestion it was to improve energy efficiency came later.” One of the richest boroughs in London, with some the most expensive property in the world, didn’t like how a tower block looked. And because the landlord saw those tenants as less than they cut corners, ignored warnings, and clad it in an unsafe product.
Following the publication of the Moore-Bick Report a major police inquiry is under way. Offences could include “corporate manslaughter, gross negligence manslaughter, fraud, perverting the course of justice and misconduct in public office”. But weโll have to wait, who knows how long, for charges, court proceedings, and any convictions. I have one word to describe my expectations, Hillsborough.
I’m not saying there aren’t laws or standards of behaviour. I’m saying those laws and standards of behaviour are only considered when the person or company, institution or government, get caught causing harm. Actions speak, and they tell me, only gain is considered.
This criminality permeates every aspect of society. The previous government’s attempts to achieve personal and political gain were extensive. They lied about the benefits of leaving the European Union. Promoted herd immunity at the beginning of the pandemic. Partied during lockdown. Created a VIP procurement lane so friends and donors of the Conservative Party could secure lucrative PPE contracts. They implemented think tank driven policy. Proposed unfunded tax cuts for the wealthy. Introduced authoritarian privacy intrusions and attacks on civil liberties. Crashed the economy. Their actions were criminal both literally and metaphorically.
Into these obvious, headline grabbing, examples of harm I’d lump swathes of other dissociated behaviours, including high prices, low wages, soaring rents, unsafe housing, food poverty, innutritious foodstuffs, fast food, brainwashing algorithms, advertising propaganda, nudge theory, collecting information, selling secrets, profiteering public services, tax dodging multinationals, money laundering banks, low tax territories, colonialism, wars, genocide, ecocide. Theyโre getting away with murder.
Understanding all of this, seeing what so often looks like a kaleidoscopic mess, relies on separating the binaries of right and wrong, of knowing the difference between the two. But if your life, your entire reason, is unchecked self-interest, then itโs not hard to see how doing what benefits you is considered right and good, regardless of the consequences to others. That to me reeks and wreaks psychopathic. And if thatโs the dominant behaviour being pushed and practiced, business as usual, weโre all trapped by a self-perpetuating misery that forces us to choose, exploit or be exploited. To survive these structures, never mind thrive in them, we must become something toxic not only to those around us, but to ourselves. We shouldn’t have to live like this.
Source:









Doug Limanโs heist gone bad film The Instigators (2024) is an alright buddy movie that spices up machine-gun dialogue with a smattering of over the top of action. Written by Chuck MacLea and Casey Affleck, I came away wondering if criminality is a consequence of, or integral to, this thing we call capitalism?
The filmโs closing song, Something in the Air by Thunderclap Newman, acts as a parenthesis to the previous hundred minutes, and urges you to think of the titular instigators as revolutionaries. โCall out the instigators, Because there’s something in the air, We’ve got to get together sooner or later, Because the revolution’s hereโ was written in 1969 by John Keen, and produced by Pete Townsend of The Who.
Apparently the song reflects the social and political upheavals that dominated the late nineteen-sixties. Certainly the generation born just after the Second World War, boomers, were coming of age during the latter half of that decade, and their youthful rejection of old values was โin the airโ. But to these ears Something in the Air sounds more like whimsical self-aggrandising than a revolutionary call to arms. The forces created by that generation’s explosive push for equality and individual freedoms, crashed against their complete abdication of responsibility (itโs baked into their mantra โtune in, turn on, drop outโ) and ceded whatever gains they made to the reactionary forces they railed against. Their revolution did little more than turn YIPPIES into YUPPIES and set us on track for fifty or more years of neoliberalism.
That realisation has me wondering, when Thunderclap Newman calls out the instigators โBecause the revolution’s hereโ who did they expect to come running? The popular imagination frames sixties radicals as an organised army of firebrands ready to change the world. The reality was a little less romantic. If youโve โgot to get together sooner or laterโ youโre a disorganised rabble, and a disorganised revolution is little more than a riot, and as we saw recently around the United Kingdom, riots get suppressed, violently. Boomers, for all their talk of change, didnโt have the stomach for that kind of revolutionary violence. Most people donโt. You know who does? Criminals.
Criminals, by definition, reject the laws the rest of us are coerced into obeying. They’re not cowed by state-sanctioned violence that keeps us in our place. Calling out the instigators, is calling on criminals to start trouble, to start a revolution. The thing is, I don’t think the criminal class are that politically motivated. In fact, Iโd argue, criminality is more of a manifestation, a distorted reflection, of the self-interest that underpin the wider society. You could say, criminals are just capitalists who got caught.
It should also be understood, authority routinely criminalises once acceptable behaviours to counter โrevolutionaryโ change. Just Stop Oil protester Roger Hallam was recently sent to prison for conspiracy to cause a public nuisance. He got four years for planning to cause an inconvenience to the wider economy. That’s not the same as rejecting law and order, that’s society shifting the goalposts to win an argument.
Limanโs instigators are two screw-up children of the peace generation, ex-marine Rory (Matt Damon) and ex-convict Cobby (Casey Affleck). Both men have issues, their lives a byproduct of the post-boomer, neoliberal, malaise. Rory is in therapy, presumably to treat the traumas suffered during his time in the military, but it could just as easily be his life. Like so many men of his generation, society makes him feel like a failure. Unable to pay what he owes in child support, heโs too embarrassed to face his son. Cobby is a different kind of failure. He has nothing to his name but a smart-bike and a motor-mouth. He did time to protect his junkie brother, taking the blame for his brother’s crime, so he wouldnโt face a third conviction. Habitual offender laws in the United States mean Cobby’s brother would’ve been lamped with a really long sentence.
The instigators are set to work by a local mob boss (Michael Stuhlbarg). He wants Scalvo (Jack Harlow), Rory and Cobby to rob the incumbent mayorโs election campaign. He has insider information that corrupt Mayor Miccelli (Ron Perlman) collects cash, millions in donations, for a seat at his table. The plan is to sneak into the convention centre and empty the safe of Miccelliโs money. They expect to find a safe stuffed with envelopes of untraceable cash, instead they find it empty.
That failure conspires with the crewโs incompetence to get them lost in the conference centre. Wandering the halls they stumble on the Mayor and his cronies, so Scalvo decides “they need to leave with something” and tries to rob the Mayor. In the shootout that follows the Police Chief and Scalvo are killed, and Cobby is wounded.
Fleeing that scene with little more than trinkets (including a bracelet engraved with the combination of the Mayor’s City Hall safe) Rory and Cobby are on the run, chased not only by the entire police force but also by the Mayorโs enforcer Frank Toomey (Ving Rhames). As if that wasn’t bad enough, when their boss hears about the murder of the Chief, he sends someone to silence them.
Rory and Cobby arenโt bad people, they’re just playing a shitty hand, a hand that has them running from one bad choice to the next, until Toomey corners them in a bar and retrieves the Mayor’s bracelet. Escaping that corner is explosive, but rather than doing the sensible thing and fleeing north to Canada, they decide to actually rob the Mayor, by sneaking into the City Hall. Cobby has memorised the numbers on the bracelet, and quickly gets them into his safe. When they’re discovered every gun in the city is fired at them. To escape the shooting gallery they Robin Hood the cash, push the safe out of the window, and let the assembled mob get rich quick.
When the pair are finally arrested they have with them two hard-drives, from the Miccelli’s safe, containing details of his secret off-shore accounts. The hard-drives are a get out of jail free card, because when the new Mayor is given a choice, charge Rory and Cobby and have the drives submitted into evidence, or release the instigators and take over the accounts, one corrupt Mayor is replaced with another, and the boys are set free.
Itโs hard not to feel weary, even betrayed, by the truth of the instigator’s world, and how it’s organised. Nothing really matters. All you do is survive. The law wonโt protect you against the lawless because in this worldโs twisted morality, criminals are the least hypocritical players. At least theyโre honest about being criminals. As I said earlier, criminals are just the one’s who get caught. The moral I take from that is simple, donโt get caught.

You must be logged in to post a comment.